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<ArticleSet>
<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The impact of modernity on the foundations of political thought during the Qajar period</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The impact of modernity on the foundations of political thought during the Qajar period</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>28</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68613</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68613</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Vaezi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Dashti Marvili</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student in Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>07</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of the present study was to evaluate the evolution of the foundations of Iranian political thought in the face of modernity and to measure its consequences in the political life of Iranians during the Qajar period. The main question is what are the basic epistemological propositions based on the prevailing epistemological principles in Iran before confrontation with modernity, and how did these propositions change after the confrontation? In this study, the impact of modernity on the field of ontology, epistemology and anthropology of Iranian political thought during the Qajar period was investigated and the extent of developments in each of these three sectors and their results were examined. Also, the evolution of the principles of the evolutionary and legislative rule of God and the knowledge of man on the one hand, and the study of the effects of these changes on political thought on the other were explored. The data of this research have been analyzed with a historical approach and within the framework of qualitative analysis method; the desired information was also collected by library-documentary method. The results show that in the beginning, this confrontation was active and the change in political thought and its structures took place while maintaining the general principles of political thought; therefore, we rarely encounter letters that indicate a violation of the established principles of this confrontation.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of the present study was to evaluate the evolution of the foundations of Iranian political thought in the face of modernity and to measure its consequences in the political life of Iranians during the Qajar period. The main question is what are the basic epistemological propositions based on the prevailing epistemological principles in Iran before confrontation with modernity, and how did these propositions change after the confrontation? In this study, the impact of modernity on the field of ontology, epistemology and anthropology of Iranian political thought during the Qajar period was investigated and the extent of developments in each of these three sectors and their results were examined. Also, the evolution of the principles of the evolutionary and legislative rule of God and the knowledge of man on the one hand, and the study of the effects of these changes on political thought on the other were explored. The data of this research have been analyzed with a historical approach and within the framework of qualitative analysis method; the desired information was also collected by library-documentary method. The results show that in the beginning, this confrontation was active and the change in political thought and its structures took place while maintaining the general principles of political thought; therefore, we rarely encounter letters that indicate a violation of the established principles of this confrontation.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Political thought</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">modernity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ontology</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">epistemology</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">anthropology</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Qajar era</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The model of socialization of Shiite minorities; re-reading the experience of Lebanon and Nigeria</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The model of socialization of Shiite minorities; re-reading the experience of Lebanon and Nigeria</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>29</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>54</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68624</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68624</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Saeid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hasheminasab</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Muhammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sotoudeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Faculty of Political Sciences, Baqir al-Olum University,</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of the present study is to study the model of socialization of Shiite minorities based on the successful experience of Lebanon in such a way that it can be used in policy-making of Nigerian Shiite minorities. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the information has been collected through library, documentary and interview with Lebanese and Nigerian experts. The findings show that two types of scattered and self-founded society can be identified in the situation of Shiites in Lebanon and Nigeria. The Shiite minority, in a state of dispersal in four cultural, interactive-economic, political and social systems, is facing several crises that are directly related to Shiite actions. The connection between the action and the scattered state are two sides of the same coin that are increasingly intertwined. Breaking the existing cycle of interdependence between the actions of the four mentioned systems in a dispersed state requires measures that this research has taken; these measures will lead to the evolution of the Nigerian Shiite minority into a self-founded Shiite society in this country.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of the present study is to study the model of socialization of Shiite minorities based on the successful experience of Lebanon in such a way that it can be used in policy-making of Nigerian Shiite minorities. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the information has been collected through library, documentary and interview with Lebanese and Nigerian experts. The findings show that two types of scattered and self-founded society can be identified in the situation of Shiites in Lebanon and Nigeria. The Shiite minority, in a state of dispersal in four cultural, interactive-economic, political and social systems, is facing several crises that are directly related to Shiite actions. The connection between the action and the scattered state are two sides of the same coin that are increasingly intertwined. Breaking the existing cycle of interdependence between the actions of the four mentioned systems in a dispersed state requires measures that this research has taken; these measures will lead to the evolution of the Nigerian Shiite minority into a self-founded Shiite society in this country.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">socialization</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Shiite Minorities</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Lebanon</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nigeria</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Self-Founding Society</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_68624_d888ef31f985e1c37d470937928924a6.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Studying the structure and organization of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria and its impact on the spread of Shiism in Nigeria</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Studying the structure and organization of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria and its impact on the spread of Shiism in Nigeria</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>55</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>78</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68626</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68626</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Habib</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zamani Mahjoub</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Islamic history and civilization, Imam Sadegh Islamic Sciences Research Institute (A. S), Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Adabi Firoozjaei</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Department of Islamic history and civilization, Imam Sadegh Islamic Sciences Research Institute (A. S), Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of the present study was to investigate the performance of the Nigerian Islamic Movement based on its structure and organization and its impact on the spread of Shiism in Nigeria. The results of the research, which were performed by descriptive-analytical method, show that in addition to the efficient management of Sheikh Zakzaki, a large part of the success of the Islamic movement is due to its regular and purposeful structure and organization. The establishment of institutions such as the Martyrs&#039; Foundation, Fudiyeh Schools, Haras, the Sisters&#039; Association, the Scientific-Researchers&#039; Association, the Physicians&#039; Association, the Employees&#039; Association, the Film Production Unit and the Publishing Unit in the structure and organization of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria has caused this movement Provide significant cultural and economic services to Nigerian Shiites. The provision of these services has been very effective in disseminating and spreading the Shiite religion.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of the present study was to investigate the performance of the Nigerian Islamic Movement based on its structure and organization and its impact on the spread of Shiism in Nigeria. The results of the research, which were performed by descriptive-analytical method, show that in addition to the efficient management of Sheikh Zakzaki, a large part of the success of the Islamic movement is due to its regular and purposeful structure and organization. The establishment of institutions such as the Martyrs&#039; Foundation, Fudiyeh Schools, Haras, the Sisters&#039; Association, the Scientific-Researchers&#039; Association, the Physicians&#039; Association, the Employees&#039; Association, the Film Production Unit and the Publishing Unit in the structure and organization of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria has caused this movement Provide significant cultural and economic services to Nigerian Shiites. The provision of these services has been very effective in disseminating and spreading the Shiite religion.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">West Africa</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaki</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Movement of Nigeria</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Shiites</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nigeria</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_68626_73924cc7741112b792949e9320cdbdd7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Obstacles to the realization of freedom in society from the perspective of the Quran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Obstacles to the realization of freedom in society from the perspective of the Quran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>79</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>98</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68707</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68707</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Yusuf</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khan Muhammadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Mofid University, Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The present study, while focusing on the planning and analysis of the means of achieving freedom in society from the perspective of the Quran - especially political and legal freedom - raises the question of what are the obstacles to the realization of freedom in the view of the Quran? According to the research hypothesis, components such as: following the air of the breath, imitation without reflection, Ahbar and Monks (religious agents) and authoritarian rule are among the main obstacles to freedom. This research is based on the &quot;thematic interpretation of the Quran&quot; and the results show that science and awareness, rationalism, thinking, spreading a culture of dynamic criticism and interactive dialogue are the most practical mechanisms proposed by the Quran to guarantee the political and legal freedoms of citizens</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The present study, while focusing on the planning and analysis of the means of achieving freedom in society from the perspective of the Quran - especially political and legal freedom - raises the question of what are the obstacles to the realization of freedom in the view of the Quran? According to the research hypothesis, components such as: following the air of the breath, imitation without reflection, Ahbar and Monks (religious agents) and authoritarian rule are among the main obstacles to freedom. This research is based on the &quot;thematic interpretation of the Quran&quot; and the results show that science and awareness, rationalism, thinking, spreading a culture of dynamic criticism and interactive dialogue are the most practical mechanisms proposed by the Quran to guarantee the political and legal freedoms of citizens</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Freedom</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political freedom</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Legal Freedom</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Passion</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">imitation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Authoritarian Government</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Religious Agents</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_68707_fc4651ea7d04b8bb18d706cccbabc1aa.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Britain's Middle East policy in the post Brexit period Case study: British-Israeli relations</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Britain&#039;s Middle East policy in the post Brexit period Case study: British-Israeli relations</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>99</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>126</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68763</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68763</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mohammadian</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Naqibzadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zakerian</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>05</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of the present study was to analyze the policy of the British Middle East in the postwar period with an emphasis on relations with Israel. In this regard, the factors affecting the continuation of bilateral relations between the two countries, including economic, military and cyber security factors, were examined. The results of the research, which was conducted in a future research method, showed that according to the future research approach and using scenario writing method, three categories of &quot;desirable&quot;, &quot;probable&quot; and &quot;possible&quot; scenarios can be proposed for Anglo-Jewish relations; For Britain, the continuation of the London-Tel Aviv relationship, more in line with the United States, is to support Israel&#039;s policies toward Palestine, to counter the rise of anti-British powers and resistance groups that Britain will take advantage of. Therefore, the continuation of relations with Israel in the political-security and economic fields will be one of the most important priorities of Britain in the post-transition period. Possible scenarios include Britain&#039;s neutral policy toward Israel, the signing of arms and military agreements with Arab countries, Israel&#039;s close ties with Israel, and its continued support for a nuclear deal with Iran. The escalation of the conflict between Israel and Britain and the lack of attention to Iran&#039;s missile activities are among the possible scenarios in the relations between the two countries.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of the present study was to analyze the policy of the British Middle East in the postwar period with an emphasis on relations with Israel. In this regard, the factors affecting the continuation of bilateral relations between the two countries, including economic, military and cyber security factors, were examined. The results of the research, which was conducted in a future research method, showed that according to the future research approach and using scenario writing method, three categories of &quot;desirable&quot;, &quot;probable&quot; and &quot;possible&quot; scenarios can be proposed for Anglo-Jewish relations; For Britain, the continuation of the London-Tel Aviv relationship, more in line with the United States, is to support Israel&#039;s policies toward Palestine, to counter the rise of anti-British powers and resistance groups that Britain will take advantage of. Therefore, the continuation of relations with Israel in the political-security and economic fields will be one of the most important priorities of Britain in the post-transition period. Possible scenarios include Britain&#039;s neutral policy toward Israel, the signing of arms and military agreements with Arab countries, Israel&#039;s close ties with Israel, and its continued support for a nuclear deal with Iran. The escalation of the conflict between Israel and Britain and the lack of attention to Iran&#039;s missile activities are among the possible scenarios in the relations between the two countries.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Britain</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Israel</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Post-Brexit</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Middle East</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">foreign policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International Relations</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_68763_f5c1568eba634858377bc8e7c698fa30.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Comparison of the affairs and powers of the ruling jurist in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Ahmad Khansari</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Comparison of the affairs and powers of the ruling jurist in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Ahmad Khansari</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>127</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>152</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68766</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68766</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abdolvahed</FirstName>
					<LastName>Karami Nejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Department of Public Law, Farabi Campus (University of Tehran), Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohhamad Javad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Arasta</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Faculty of Public Law, Farabi Campus (University of Tehran), Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>25</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of this study is to compare Najaf and Qom ijtihad schools with analytical and descriptive method, and by comparing the votes of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Ahmad Khansari. Imam Khomeini is the symbol of the jurisprudential school of Qom, which considers ijtihad arguments to be systematic and based on the major goals of Sharia; the obligation to form an Islamic state under the absolute authority of the jurist is the basis of his political thought. Sayyid Ahmad Khansari is also a symbol of the school of Najaf, whose intellectual accuracy in jurisprudence is more than paying attention to custom. . The government and the administration of society are silent on the idea of ​​reading. At the same time, the legitimacy of the state in terms of the necessity, urgency, and necessity of maintaining the social system, which is the common reason for the customary and Islamic state, can be deduced from his thought</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of this study is to compare Najaf and Qom ijtihad schools with analytical and descriptive method, and by comparing the votes of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Ahmad Khansari. Imam Khomeini is the symbol of the jurisprudential school of Qom, which considers ijtihad arguments to be systematic and based on the major goals of Sharia; the obligation to form an Islamic state under the absolute authority of the jurist is the basis of his political thought. Sayyid Ahmad Khansari is also a symbol of the school of Najaf, whose intellectual accuracy in jurisprudence is more than paying attention to custom. . The government and the administration of society are silent on the idea of ​​reading. At the same time, the legitimacy of the state in terms of the necessity, urgency, and necessity of maintaining the social system, which is the common reason for the customary and Islamic state, can be deduced from his thought</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Imam Khomeini</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Seyyed Ahmad Khansari</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Velayat-e Faqih</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Faqih Hakim</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic state</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_68766_7ea8d47faeaef81eafee173a9159c8d0.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The relationship between media policy and foreign policy
Case study: A confrontational study of Iranian and American English-language newspapers</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The relationship between media policy and foreign policy
Case study: A confrontational study of Iranian and American English-language newspapers</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>153</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>178</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68770</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68770</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sajjad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Farokhi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, University of Shahid Mahallati, Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahmoud</FirstName>
					<LastName>Parvaneh</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student in Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>30</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>In order to examine the relationship between media policy and foreign policy of the governments of Iran and the United States, this study has conducted a case study of news reports in four English-language newspapers in the two countries that are clearly dependent on the government. In this study, coping analysis method was used with verbal and genre coping analysis tools. The results indicate a significant difference in the ratio measured in Iran and the United States. The American model is based on the integration of media policy and policy with foreign policy and its inductive approach, while in Iran such an approach is almost never seen. The mainstay of most Iranian news reports is the inverted pyramid, which is used only for informing and informing, and has a significant impact on reducing the country&#039;s foreign policy freedom of action</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">In order to examine the relationship between media policy and foreign policy of the governments of Iran and the United States, this study has conducted a case study of news reports in four English-language newspapers in the two countries that are clearly dependent on the government. In this study, coping analysis method was used with verbal and genre coping analysis tools. The results indicate a significant difference in the ratio measured in Iran and the United States. The American model is based on the integration of media policy and policy with foreign policy and its inductive approach, while in Iran such an approach is almost never seen. The mainstay of most Iranian news reports is the inverted pyramid, which is used only for informing and informing, and has a significant impact on reducing the country&#039;s foreign policy freedom of action</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">foreign policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">USA</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Media Policy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">soft power</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Verbal Conflict Analysis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">English Language Newspapers</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Baqir al-Olum University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0557</Issn>
				<Volume>22</Volume>
				<Issue>Issue 88</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Political security of individuals and its realization from the perspective of the Holy Quran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Political security of individuals and its realization from the perspective of the Holy Quran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>179</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>198</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">68773</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22081/psq.2020.68773</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Sajad</FirstName>
					<LastName>A&amp;#039;l Seyedghafour</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student in Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Gholamreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Behrouzilak</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8843-2294</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of this study is to investigate ways to achieve political security. This research has been done by the method of thematic interpretation and the verses have been extracted based on four axes: &quot;direct words&quot;, &quot;implicit and obligatory words&quot;, &quot;opposite concepts&quot; and &quot;register and semantic implications&quot;. The results showed that the Holy Quran, while referring to historical examples, in various cases the realization of political security of individuals requires attention to the two standards of &quot;freedom&quot; and &quot;participation&quot;, and also it suggest these matters: for ensuring security in the field of freedom, observing &quot;freedom of thought&quot; and &quot;freedom&quot; of &quot;speech&quot; , and for ensuring security in the field of partnership, &quot;consultation&quot; and &quot;choice&quot;.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of this study is to investigate ways to achieve political security. This research has been done by the method of thematic interpretation and the verses have been extracted based on four axes: &quot;direct words&quot;, &quot;implicit and obligatory words&quot;, &quot;opposite concepts&quot; and &quot;register and semantic implications&quot;. The results showed that the Holy Quran, while referring to historical examples, in various cases the realization of political security of individuals requires attention to the two standards of &quot;freedom&quot; and &quot;participation&quot;, and also it suggest these matters: for ensuring security in the field of freedom, observing &quot;freedom of thought&quot; and &quot;freedom&quot; of &quot;speech&quot; , and for ensuring security in the field of partnership, &quot;consultation&quot; and &quot;choice&quot;.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">freedom of thought</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">freedom of speech</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">consultation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">freedom of opinion</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
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</Article>
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