https://psq.bou.ac.ir/ Political Science en daily 1 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79857.html This research is formulated with the aim of providing an analysis of the nature of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, going beyond common political, social, and economic approaches. The main objective of the article is to explain the reality that the Islamic Revolution was not merely a reaction to political tyranny or material crises, but rather the product of a "paradigmatic shift" in Islamic political thought and the practical manifestation of a coherent political philosophy. The central issue of this research is the analysis of the organic interconnection between the abstract and philosophical foundations of the Revolution (including monotheistic worldview, epistemological principles, and value foundations) and its material and tangible causes (such as social grievances and identity crisis). In other words, the main question is how the nature of the Revolution can be analyzed within a philosophical framework in which material and spiritual factors are understood not as two separate domains, but as components of a single, unified, and intertwined whole. To answer this question, this article adopts an "analytical-philosophical" method, utilizing the theoretical framework of the "Aristotelian Four Causes" as its primary analytical tool. This classical model, also developed in Islamic philosophy, enables a multifaceted and profound analysis of complex phenomena. In this framework, the material cause of the Revolution is its potential substrate and intellectual-social context, which goes beyond economic poverty to encompass identity crisis, cultural assimilation, and the accumulation of society's religious demands. Its formal cause is the new form, structure, and identity that emerged after the Revolution in the shape of the "Islamic Republic" system, based on religious democracy and the Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilāyat al-faqīh). Its efficient cause was the driving force that actualized this potential, operating at two complementary levels: the charismatic leadership of Imam Khomeini and the agency of the millions of popular masses. Finally, the final cause of the Revolution, its ultimate goal and transcendent ideal—namely, the realization of the "Good Life" (ḥayāt ṭayyiba), the establishment of divine justice, independence, and the spiritual excellence of society—gave direction and meaning to all its other components. The main contribution of this research lies in its synthetic and integrative approach, which demonstrates how these different dimensions are connected within a coherent philosophical system. The research findings emphasize that the nature of the Islamic Revolution is an intertwined and inseparable combination of the four causes, in which the material causes had deep roots in philosophical and identity crises. This analysis shows that the principle of Monotheism (Tawḥīd) moves beyond an abstract belief to become the objective foundation of absolute divine sovereignty and the source of political legitimacy (formal and final cause); a matter that repaired the broken link between theoretical and practical monotheism in the history of Islamic political thought. Furthermore, the anthropological foundations of the Revolution, especially the concept of "man as God's vicegerent (Khalīfat Allāh)," act as a profound material cause, introducing man not as a passive being, but as an agent of divine sovereignty possessing a God-given right to determine his own destiny. Meanwhile, the theory of "Velayat-e Faqih" (Guardianship of the Jurist), as a continuation of divine guardianship and Imamate, constitutes the essence of the formal and efficient cause of the new political system, establishing the link between divine sovereignty and the people's will. The conclusion is that the Islamic Revolution of Iran is a phenomenon governed by a deep philosophical logic, in which the material and apparent causes were the effect and superstructure of a fundamental transformation in ontological and anthropological foundations. This event is the manifestation of a coherent system in which belief in the absolute sovereignty of God and the dignity of man as God's vicegerent is actualized through divine leadership and popular participation. Therefore, the nature of this Revolution is a successful example of a return to authentic religious foundations to present a new model of religious-democratic governance, in which faith and rationality, divine sovereignty and popular participation, are intertwined in a single structure. Finally, by analyzing the Islamic Revolution as a continuous identity (from its roots to the establishment of the system), contrary to common analyses that focus merely on the factors of its emergence, the present article incorporates the formal cause of the Revolution after its victory into its analysis.  https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79862.html The main objective of this research is to explore and precisely and systematically configure the relationship between Islam and security in the political theology of Ayatollah Abdullah Javadi Amoli. Relying on the Qur'anic, philosophical, and jurisprudential foundations of his thought, this article demonstrates that security in Javadi Amoli's intellectual system is not a merely political or military concept, but rather a multi-layered, existential, moral, and theological reality rooted in monotheism (tawḥīd), justice, rationality, and human dignity. The research seeks to present an alternative and comprehensive approach which, unlike secular and materialist Western approaches, considers security to be the product of human servitude to God and the realization of divine justice. This objective includes explaining the constitutive (takwīnī) and legislative (tashrīʿī) dimensions of security, examining the role of objective and subjective contexts in the formation of this thought, and presenting a human-centered and divine model for confronting contemporary security crises such as domination-seeking, cultural insecurity, international threats, and challenges arising from secularism. Ultimately, this research highlights the capacity of Javadi Amoli's thought to provide sustainable security at the individual, social, national, international, and civilizational levels, presenting it as an authentic response from within the Islamic tradition to the issues of today's world. The main issue of this research is: What is the position of the relationship between Islam and security in the political theology of Ayatollah Javadi Amoli, and how can this relationship be precisely configured? The central question of the article is: How does Javadi Amoli redefine security, within what ontological, anthropological, and ethical frameworks does he place it, and how does he propose this approach as a divine and human-centered model for solving contemporary security crises? This issue arises because in today's world, Western approaches to security mostly rely on power, national interests, social contracts, or discursive mechanisms, and have often been ineffective in establishing sustainable and comprehensive human security. In contrast, Islamic thought, drawing on revelatory and rational sources, has the capacity to redefine security as a divine blessing, a fundamental norm, and a multi-dimensional concept. The research seeks to answer the question: With what conceptual and methodological tools does Javadi Amoli extract security from its reductive secular state, connecting it to servitude, justice, piety, and divine guardianship (wilāyah), in order to present a peace-building and justice-oriented model for human societies? This research employs Quentin Skinner's intentionalist hermeneutic method; a composite and moderate approach that pays simultaneous attention to text and context, and by focusing on the author's intention, the contexts of the production of thought, and his purpose in articulating his ideas, enables a deep and historical understanding of concepts. Skinner's method was implemented in four main stages: 1. Examination of objective contexts: including the social, historical, and cultural conditions of Javadi Amoli's life, such as his family environment in Amol, his education in the Islamic seminaries of Amol, Tehran, and Qom, his influence from prominent teachers, his participation in revolutionary struggles, and his responsibilities after the revolution; 2. Analysis of subjective contexts: including his beliefs, concerns, and intellectual system, such as transcendent theosophy (al-ḥikmat al-mutaʿāliya), comprehensive jurisprudential understanding (tafaqquh), Qur'anic exegesis by the Qur'an (tafsīr al-Qurʾān bi-l-Qurʾān), and critical engagement with rival intellectual currents (humanism, liberalism, secularism, pluralism, etc.); 3. Identification of the discursive norms of the era: including Qur'anic concepts of security (amn, silm, ṣulḥ, sakīna) and prevailing Western and Islamic theories of security; 4. Examination of interventions and innovations: including redefinition, critique, and transformation of the concept of security within a monotheistic framework and the introduction of new conceptual interventions. This methodology, utilizing comparative diagrams and systematic analysis, has enabled the precise reconstruction of Javadi Amoli's intention and intellectual system, transforming the analysis from an abstract state to a contextualized and historical one. The research findings show that Ayatollah Javadi Amoli explains security as a divine blessing, the most pleasant individual and social blessing, and a fundamental norm in the Islamic system, the realization of which is a necessary condition for the flourishing of other blessings. He divides security into two types:l Constitutive Security: Rooted in creation, human nature (fiṭra), and the monotheistic system of existence;l Legislative Security: Resulting from divine laws, such as retribution (qiṣāṣ), corporal punishments (ḥudūd), forbidding wrong (nahy ʿan al-munkar), and the establishment of justice.In his view, the origin of insecurity is domination-seeking, oppression, material accumulation, and distance from monotheism. The original principle of Islam is peace and peaceful coexistence, and jihad is purely defensive, used to protect the oppressed and remove sedition. Security in this approach has multiple levels:1) Individual level: Piety (taqwā) and the internal guardian (the inner police);2) Social level: Respecting the rights of others, even non-belligerent non-Muslims, justice, and preventing the violation of rights;3) National level: Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilāyat al-Faqīh), establishing divine limits, preserving unity and national security as the main goal of the Islamic government;4) International level: Adherence to covenants, the right of asylum, not aggressing against peaceful unbelievers (based on Qur'an 4:90 and 9:6), and peaceful coexistence;5) Civilizational level: Realization of the complete model of security in the era of the appearance (ẓuhūr) with Mahdist justice, in which enmities turn into friendship and insecurity into comprehensive security.The objective contexts of Javadi Amoli's life (from Amol to Qom and revolutionary developments) and the subjective contexts (transcendent theosophy, critique of secularism and rival currents) have reinforced this monotheistic, ethical, and comprehensive approach. In comparison with Western theories that base security mostly on power or social contract, Javadi Amoli's approach sees security as the product of servitude, divine justice, and human dignity, linking it to Islamic ontology, anthropology, and epistemology. The main innovation of this research is the precise application of Skinner's four-stage method to clarify the contextual relationships and conceptual interventions of Javadi Amoli. In conclusion, security in the political theology of Ayatollah Javadi Amoli is the profound product of human servitude to God, divine justice, and human dignity. This thought, by reinterpreting the concepts of security, jihad, peace, and law within a monotheistic framework, negates secular reductionism and presents a sustainable, peace-building, and justice-oriented approach capable of responding to the security challenges of the contemporary world. Wilāyat al-Faqīh, the implementation of Sharia rulings, rationality coupled with courage, adherence to human covenants, and emphasis on the internal guardian are among the key pillars of this sustainable security. The present research shows that Javadi Amoli's thought introduces Islam as a security-building and civilization-building religion, whose ultimate goal is the construction of a world free from oppression, domination-seeking, and insecurity. This approach possesses significant capacities for civilizational dialogue and the provision of just security at the global level, and represents a human-centered and divine model for the present age. https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_78800.html This article aims to provide a critical analysis of the legal imbalances in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the structural, linguistic, and conceptual challenges of its articles. The hypothesis of the article is that part of the challenges of interpretability, legislative inefficiency, and institutional conflict in the governance system of the Islamic Republic of Iran are rooted in the formal and conceptual weaknesses of the constitutional text. Unlike previous research that has mostly emphasized well-known ambiguities or executive deficiencies, this study seeks to identify less well-known weaknesses that have not been addressed in legal texts, such as the overlapping of articles, conceptual inconsistency, unnecessary details, lack of a unified writing procedure, insufficient precision in the use of vocabulary, articles lacking added value, and functional ambiguities, and to provide corrective solutions appropriate to the framework of the existing structure for them. The present study seeks to answer two general questions: 1. What ambiguities and deficiencies can be identified in the language, writing, and structure of the articles of the Constitution? 2. Which articles of the Constitution have formal, conceptual, foundational, or content-related problems or challenges? The central issue is that part of the inefficiencies of the governance system is rooted in the internal quality of the constitutional text; a text that, as the highest legal document, should possess transparency, coherence, and guidance capability, but in practice faces shortcomings that fuel contradictory interpretations, interpretive gaps between institutions, and a decline in public trust. This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and a mixed theoretical framework: on the one hand, Lon Fuller's "internal morality of law" (including eight principles of generality, promulgation, prospectivity, clarity, coherence, possibility of compliance, relative constancy, and congruence of official action with law) has been used as a criterion for coding deficiencies and distinguishing between linguistic, structural, or conceptual reforms. On the other hand, Richard Albert's theory of "levels of constitutional change" (including three levels of amendment, rewriting, and transformation of identity) has made it possible to categorize reform proposals without departing from the fundamental immutable principles (Islamicity, republicanism, and the Guardianship of the Jurist). Data were collected from the text of the Constitution and its authoritative interpretations and were examined through structural and linguistic content analysis.A detailed examination of the constitutional text revealed the existence of eight types of imbalances or structural and content-related deficiencies: (1) overlapping of articles (such as repetition of themes of justice, military training, employment, supervision of the Parliament Speaker, and the Administrative Justice Court); (2) inconsistency between articles (such as the duality of "conformity with Islamic standards" versus "non-contradiction with the rulings of Islam" in the duties of the Guardian Council); (3) unnecessary detail (from numerical qualifications such as "24 hours" and "270 people" to specifying the location of the Supreme Audit Court and Friday as the day for elections); (4) lack of a unified writing procedure (differences in formulating the duties of the branches of government, imbalance in explaining the Army and the IRGC, inconsistency in citing Quranic verses and the condition of "being of Iranian origin"); (5) inconsistent use of terms with the same meanings (dual use of "government" to mean the political system and the executive branch); (6) lack of precision in the use of terms ("Islamic government," "public treasury," "basis of the Islamic Republic," "contrary to right/justice," "proper conduct of affairs"); (7) some articles lacking value (such as official declaration of candidacy, the dissolved supervisory council for presidential elections, and general statements such as the "ideological and popular nature of the Army"); (8) vagueness in the drafting of the law (functional gaps in the accountability of the President, mutual responsibility of ministers, supervision of the Leader's assets, complaints against the Parliament, permission to use military equipment, etc.).From Fuller's perspective, these deficiencies distort the principles of clarity, coherence, possibility of compliance, and generality of law. From Albert's perspective, most reform proposals fall into the level of "amendment" (eliminating redundant qualifications, standardizing terminology) and "rewriting" (rearranging articles to resolve functional ambiguities), and none require identity transformation. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite its valuable theoretical innovations in combining Islamicity and republicanism, faces numerous legal imbalances in terms of its internal quality of writing and structure, which have affected its efficiency, transparency, and coherence. The strategy proposed in this article is a scientific and targeted revision through the procedure set forth in Article 177, with the participation of legal experts and with priority given to reductive amendments (eliminating overlaps and redundant details) and progressive amendments (rewriting ambiguous articles and establishing clear supervisory mechanisms). Such a revision, without altering the immutable core of identity (Islamicity, republicanism, Guardianship of the Jurist), both remains faithful to the internal morality of law (clarity, coherence, possibility of compliance) and can strengthen public trust, consolidate the balance of powers, and enhance governance capacity to face future developments. The ultimate outcome is achieving a more efficient constitution as a dynamic and reliable regulator for social justice and national development. https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79859.html Attention to the reidentification of the scientific and religious heritage with the aim of critically reconstructing fundamental Shiite texts, paving the way for and utilizing scientific treasures to respond to contemporary intellectual and religious needs; brings about the understanding of the thoughts of Shiite thinkers and intellectuals, and glorifies and honors them. Thus, the correction, research, revision, and publication of the works of those great figures to facilitate access to important sources of religious thought, along with the explanation and analysis of their theories, is the ultimate goal of this research. After appropriate codicological study and examination and determination of the base manuscript according to its criteria and conditions (such as greater accuracy, completeness, being proofread and legible, etc.), the correction of this treatise has been done using the eclectica method. This means that the manuscript deemed superior to others based on the aforementioned criteria was selected as the relative base manuscript, and then, in cases of error or discrepancy, variant readings were provided. Categorization, numbering of contents, careful collation, correction of errors from previous corrections, segmentation of the text, appropriate chapter and subject division, editing and vowelization (tashkīl) of the text where needed, explanation of terms and words, and explanation and analysis of al-Fārābī's views on governance with respect to the treatise Al-Milla wa-l-Fiqh are among the features of this research.From Fārābī's perspective, the origin of government, in terms of ontological legitimacy, is divine legitimacy, and in terms of proof and external realization, it is popular acceptance. In Fārābī's terminology, the leader of the virtuous city is the establisher of laws, the teacher and guide of the people, and the manager of the city's affairs. He is one who actually possesses all sciences and knowledges through divine revelation. The Prophet gradually states the necessary general rulings, delegating their details to the specialists after him (i.e., the Imam). The Imam, in turn, explains the rulings through inference from the general principles stated by the First Leader, completing the legal system of the virtuous city and the details of the rulings. After the Imam, the third level of legislation is reserved for comprehensive, qualified jurists (fuqaha), who, relying on previous legislations, infer rulings that have not been explicitly stated. From Fārābī's perspective, popular acceptance is a necessary condition for the realization and continuity of a desirable religious political system (the virtuous government), but it is not a sufficient condition. Popular acceptance must be placed alongside two other fundamental pillars: first, leadership possessing theoretical and practical perfections, and second, correct laws and doctrines that have divine origin and revelation.In his treatise Al-Millah, Fārābī considers the formation of government necessary based on the fact that humans are 'political by nature' (madanī bi-l-ṭabʿ), but the important thing is the type of government. Can any government play a role in leading humanity to the ultimate goal – which is attaining true happiness? Fārābī believes that the only system that can lead humanity to its desired destination is the virtuous government (al-madīnat al-fāḍila), i.e., a government whose laws are legislated based on divine revelation and are implemented by the Prophet, his successor (the Imam), and the head of tradition. Consequently, based on the analysis of Fārābī's theory, the virtuous government must possess the following components: 1. Governance based on revelation and spirituality (God-centeredness, divine sovereignty) and the negation of human-centeredness (humanism). 2. Intertwining of religion and politics, negation of secularism and the separation of religion from politics. 3. Intertwining of philosophy and religion, and negation of conflict between science and religion. 4. Meritocracy and negation of factionalism in the virtuous government. From Fārābī's perspective, what is desirable is the formation and establishment of a virtue-centered government (the Virtuous City). A government whose goal is to guide people to worldly and otherworldly happiness through religious teachings. Happiness is the ultimate perfection of a human being, achieved through theoretical and practical reason. Religion is one of the most important tools for achieving this goal, because it can convey philosophical truths to the people in simple and symbolic language, and serve as the basis for laws and social ethics. The structure of government and society must be such that each person finds their place according to their own understanding of happiness and virtue. The deputies of the First Leader and other citizens work under his supervision in a coordinated order. In this system, citizens are like the parts of a body, cooperating with each other to achieve a common goal (happiness). Therefore, it can be said that Fārābī considers the formation of a government with religious-moral functions necessary, one that makes possible the natural ultimate end of human life (i.e., attaining happiness). https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79861.html Evaluating different theories from the perspective of efficacy in the realm of foreign policy leads to the advancement and benefit of states in political conduct. Shiite political jurisprudence, possessing diverse religious capacities, has a demonstrable framework for the foreign policy of the Islamic State. This is evident in the second, fourth, and fifth principles of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which mandate governance and legislation based on Islamic laws, continuous ijtihad by fully qualified jurists, and the theory of Wilāyat al-Faqīh (Guardianship of the Jurist). However, the jurisprudential model of the foreign policy of the Islamic State, from the perspective of theoretical explanation of the model and evaluation of its efficacy in the international system—especially by focusing on the jurisprudential approach and its application to constitutional principles—still requires completion and filling of gaps. The present research is written with the aim of examining the elements of efficacy in theories of international relations and political jurisprudence in the realm of foreign policy and their application in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research question is: "What is the efficacy of the theory of political jurisprudence in the realm of foreign policy of the Islamic State based on the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The research hypothesis is based on the premise that "The theory of Imami political jurisprudence has maximum efficacy in the realm of international relations and foreign policy of the Islamic State based on the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran." The research method is descriptive-analytical, with qualitative data processing and data collected through library-based study. The research structure is organized into three main sections: a) Analysis of the theory of efficacy in theories of international relations (examining the components of comprehensive security, acquisition of superior and discourse-building power, and stable cooperation and convergence); b) Analysis of jurisprudential rules in the realm of foreign policy of the Islamic State (emphasizing the two overarching general rules of 'Superiority and Denial of Authority' and 'Denial of Oppression'); c) Application of the components of the jurisprudential model to the Constitution (assessing the indicators of political, military, economic independence, freedom of expression, relations based on justice and balance, adherence to treaties, and respect and good association). In theories of international relations, the efficacy of a state's foreign policy is measured in three areas: comprehensive security with an emphasis on expanding security to non-military levels; power acquisition centered on discourse-building; and maximum relations based on stable cooperation and convergence. Efficacy-based strategies also include six indicators: political independence, economic independence, freedom of expression in international stances, relations based on justice and balance, adherence to treaties, and respect and good association.Consequently, the two rules of 'Superiority and Denial of Authority' (uluww wa-nafyal-sabīl) and 'Denial of Oppression' (nafy al-ẓulm) in the heritage of Imami political jurisprudence, due to their absolute authority, non-specificity, and priority in cases of conflict and interference, constitute the main pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic State. Other rules (such as invitation, amān (safe conduct), taqiyya (dissimulation), taʾlīf al-qulūb (reconciliation of hearts)) are all defined within the framework of these two overarching principles. In applying these two jurisprudential rules to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, six strategic principles in foreign policy are enumerated:First, political independence (Principle 146), which mandates the prohibition of any form of guardianship or domination by non-Muslims.Second, military independence (Principles 145 and 146), which prohibits the presence of foreigners in the armed forces and the establishment of foreign military bases.Third, economic independence (Principle 81 and Chapter Ten), which, in addition to forbidding exploitative contracts, considers the lack of a coherent plan as a clear instance of oppression.Fourth, freedom of expression in support and condemnation (Principle 154), which obliges the state to strive for the removal of oppressive domination and to defend the oppressed.Fifth, relations based on justice and balance (Principle 154), which bases foreign relations on equity, justice, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations.Sixth, respect and good association (Principle 12), which, while extending justice, respects other religions and emphasizes moral balance in foreign policy.The research results show that the jurisprudential model, based on the two pillars of 'independence' and 'denial of oppression', while realizing the three components of efficacy in international relations (comprehensive security, increasing discourse-building power, and developing cooperation and alliances), obliges the Islamic State to: political independence (negating subservience and foreign bases), military independence (self-sufficiency and deterrence), economic independence (resistance against sanctions and self-reliance), dignified diplomacy, freedom in defending the oppressed, adherence to treaties, and good association. The manifestation of these principles can be observed in the fundamental discourse of "Neither East, nor West" and the strategic triad of "Dignity, Wisdom, Expediency". A discourse that, relying on the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the foundations of Imami political jurisprudence, has led to the formation of a theoretical framework for the foreign policy of the Islamic State, enhancing its capacity to be presented at the level of theoretical discussions in international relations. https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79909.html The present study aims to analyze and identify the political education tools employed by the Holy Prophet (PBUH) in the Meccan chapters (surahs), relying on a gradual revelation (tanzīlī) interpretation approach. The research seeks to demonstrate how the Holy Prophet (PBUH), during the period lacking an official state or an established political structure in Mecca, gradually organized the political education process of his audience through the revealed verses and by utilizing various epistemic, affective, and behavioral tools. The main question is: What were the tools of Prophetic political education, and how were they realized within the context of the gradual revelation of the Quran? The research hypothesis posits that the gradual revelation of the Holy Quran provided an educational framework through which the Holy Prophet (PBUH), relying on faith, awareness, and responsible action, established a new political discourse based on monotheism (tawḥīd), justice, and resistance against pre-Islamic domination. The theoretical framework of the research is based on a triad of epistemic (creating political insight and belief), affective (arousing spiritual fervor and collective solidarity), and behavioral (practicing social action and civil resistance) components. The findings show that through continuous faith-based education, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) laid the groundwork for the formation of an independent, responsible, and justice-oriented political identity among the early believers—an identity that gave rise to the foundation of the "Ummah" (community) and a new social order in opposition to the pre-Islamic tribal system. The final conclusion is that the Prophetic model, prior to any external political transformation, emphasizes a cultural and internal revolution within the individual, demonstrating that authentic power begins with the reformation of hearts, thoughts, and behaviors. The novelty of this research lies in combining a gradual revelation (tanzīlī)-interpretive approach with a sociological analysis of the Meccan verses and explaining the concepts of political education within the framework of a monotheistic worldview. https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_79860.html The main objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between types of organizational strategies and the level of organizational agility in the ideological-political organizations of the General Staff of the Armed Forces. In today's variable and complex environmental conditions, organizations need adaptability, speed of action, and flexibility for survival and effectiveness – characteristics explained through the concept of "organizational agility." On the other hand, organizational strategies, as macro-directors of an organization's movement, play a decisive role in its structure, processes, and organizational behavior. Focusing on these two key constructs, this research seeks to determine whether the type of strategy adopted by an organization can affect its level of agility and to what extent this effect is significant. The main research question is whether there is a significant relationship between types of organizational strategies and organizational agility in the ideological-political organizations of the General Staff of the Armed Forces. This question is raised within the context of organizations that have a formal, mission-oriented, and sensitive structure, while simultaneously facing environmental changes, technological shifts, and stakeholder expectations. The main hypothesis of the research emphasizes the existence of a significant relationship between types of organizational strategies and organizational agility, meaning that the type of strategy chosen by an organization can affect its degree of flexibility, responsiveness, speed of decision-making, and adaptive capacity. In terms of objective and method, this research is an applied, descriptive-correlational study. It attempts to measure the relationship between the studied variables using empirical data. A documentary and library method was usedto gather information for the theoretical foundations, reviewing sources related to organizational strategy and agility. In the field section, the main data collection tool was a questionnaire, designed and distributed to measure employees' perspectives on the type of organizational strategy and the level of agility. The statistical population of the study included all employees working in the planning and programming areas of headquarters and line units (managers and experts) of the ideological-political organizations of the Armed Forces. The statistical sample was determined using stratified random sampling based on the Krejcie and Morgan table to provide a suitable representative of the statistical population. The collected data were analyzed using appropriate statistical methods, examining the correlation and significance of the relationships between variables. The research findings show a significant relationship between types of organizational strategies and organizational agility; in other words, the type of strategy adopted by an organization can influence its level of agility. The results indicate that organizations adopting more flexible, analytical strategies suited to environmental conditions possess a higher level of agility. Furthermore, a review of the research background shows that factors related to technology management, such as identification, acquisition, exploitation, learning, protection, and technology selection, have a positive and significant effect on organizational agility capability. This indicates that strategies emphasizing the development and effective management of technology can lay the groundwork for increasing agility. Previous studies also indicate that strategic orientations like market orientation can directly and indirectly enhance organizational agility by strengthening management commitment to service quality, employee empowerment, training, and reward systems. On the other hand, some findings have shown that the relationship between strategy and certain dimensions of organizational structure, such as centralization, formalization, and complexity, may not always be significant; nevertheless, the overall orientation of the organization plays a decisive role in shaping dynamic capabilities, including agility. Organizational strategies play an important and decisive role in shaping and strengthening organizational agility. Organizations that formulate their strategies considering environmental changes, technological developments, and stakeholder needs will have greater readiness for rapid response, effective decision-making, and adaptation to new conditions. In the ideological-political organizations of the General Staff of the Armed Forces, which face sensitive missions and complex environments, paying attention to the alignment of strategy and organizational agility is of particular importance. Adopting flexible strategic approaches, strengthening technology management, empowering human resources, and creating platforms for organizational learning can lead to increased agility levels and consequently enhance organizational effectiveness. Overall, this research emphasizes that organizational agility is not a random phenomenon but rather the result of conscious strategic choices and orientations. Therefore, managers can, by reviewing and improving their organizational strategies, provide the groundwork for enhancing agility and the organization's readiness to face future challenges. https://psq.bou.ac.ir/article_78798.html Crisis and the Middle East (West Asia) have been two intertwined concepts in the 21st century. Understanding the persistence of the crisis cycle in the Middle East is a perennial concern for contemporary scholars. The presence of internal dynamics and the involvement of great powers in the Middle East have always constituted a significant part of the crisis process and cycle in the region. The United States has had the greatest presence in the Middle East since the second half of the 20th century. Alongside the direct presence of the US government, various private economic, military, and other sectors have also been actively present in the country's spheres of influence, contributing to and affecting many developments. The central question of this research is to what extent the arms manufacturing industry, as a private sector industry with the closest cooperation with the Pentagon, has been effective in creating crises in the Middle East. Specifically, how has DARPA, as one of the largest arms manufacturing companies in the United States, influenced US policy-making regarding the Middle East? The hypothesis suggests that DARPA, as the most advanced and largest collection of arms industries in the United States, through extraordinary innovations in the field of weaponry, seeks to steer US foreign policy towards fomenting war in the Middle East region in order to sell more military weapons and increase its power in the international arena. The article's hypothesis further posits that due to the existence of destabilizing factors such as religious, geopolitical, and sectarian conflicts, the motivation for various groups to purchase military equipment in this region is greater than in other regions; consequently, these industries can easily find a suitable market for selling their equipment. To examine this hypothesis, the theory of offensive realism is employed to analyze the alignment of US foreign policy with DARPA's interests and the creation of crises in the Middle East. The research finds that two elements—the existence of internal conditions (intra-regional conflicts) and the intervention of great powers—create a suitable market for arms-selling companies, enabling them to achieve their goals through lobbying within the US power structure and communication with active groups in the region. Reducing the intervention of entities like DARPA can only be achieved through fostering convergence, reducing conflicts, or establishing intra-regional security arrangements.