نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسندگان
گروه روابط بینالملل، واحد همدان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، همدان، ایران
چکیده
کلیدواژهها
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسندگان [English]
Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab Republic of Egypt—two pivotal and influential powers in the Islamic world and West Asia—have, over the past four decades, experienced profound fluctuations, long periods of estrangement, and outright rupture. Despite shared historical and civilizational foundations and substantial potential
for cooperation, the trajectory of bilateral ties following the 1979 Islamic Revolution encountered severe challenges. In recent years, regional geostrategic shifts—including the reduced intervention of extraregional powers and the reconfiguration of alliances—have created a new space for reevaluating these relations and moving toward convergence. Nevertheless, numerous obstacles persist on the path to full normalization between the two Muslim nations. This article, by focusing on one of the most critical of these barriers, seeks to address the central question: How, and through what mechanisms, have domestic actors (including the media, Salafi and nationalist parties, political elites, and Islamist currents)
in Iran and Egypt contributed to the perpetuation of estrangement and divergence in bilateral relations from 1979 to 2021? This study, drawing on the theoretical framework of constructivism in international relations and employing library-based and analytical-descriptive methods, tests the hypothesis that domestic actors in this relationship—driven by fears of Iran’s political and religious influence in Egypt and its impact on public opinion—have deliberately or inadvertently obstructed the formation of stable and constructive ties between the two countries. From a constructivist perspective, identities, perceptions, norms, and discourses play a decisive role in defining interests and shaping state behavior. From this perspective, the causes of estrangement between Iran and Egypt lie not solely in material or structural factors but are deeply rooted in mental constructs, historical attitudes, and media narratives.
The findings of this study reveal that domestic actors in both countries have fueled
this divergence through various mechanisms. The media in both nations, by adopting ideological approaches and disseminating inappropriate narratives, have reinforced negative stereotypes and securitized the image of the other side. Egyptian media—particularly outlets aligned with security institutions and Salafi currents—have consistently promoted Iranophobia in public opinion by raising issues such as “Iran’s plan for cultural infiltration” or “the danger of promoting Shiism.” In response, certain Iranian media have portrayed Egypt’s policies negatively by focusing on topics like the Camp David Accords or Egypt’s relations with the West. This media confrontation, analyzable within the frameworks of soft power and the battle of narratives, has contributed to the formation of a perceptual environment rooted in mistrust and threat. Meanwhile, political parties and currents have also played a pivotal role. In Egypt, nationalist and secular parties, alongside powerful Salafi currents, have consistently opposed any rapprochement with Iran, viewing it as a threat to national security and the Sunni identity of Egyptian society. On the other hand, the lack of consensus among elites in both countries has hindered the formulation
of a coherent and stable foreign policy. In Iran, disagreements exist between moderate currents (based on pragmatism and national interests) and hardline currents (prioritizing ideological imperatives). In Egypt, divisions among military-security institutions, Islamist currents (such as the Muslim Brotherhood), and liberal elites have led to contradictory and fragile policies toward Iran. This absence of consensus—rooted in differing identities and perceptions of “self” and “other”—has confronted any efforts to improve relations with serious domestic challenges. Ultimately, political Islam has functioned as a dual-edged factor; while it could have served as a basis for convergence, differences in models of religious governance and regional rivalries have transformed it into a source of tension.The study’s final conclusion is that domestic actors have played a decisive role in preventing the improvement of Iran-Egypt relations by constructing and reinforcing conflicting identities, promoting threat-oriented discourses, and creating perceptual barriers. Any future efforts toward normalizing relations will fail without addressing these subjective and identity-based factors and striving to reconstruct mutual perceptions.
کلیدواژهها [English]
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